Black social movements Essay

Race is used by social scientists to refer to distinctions haggard from physical appearance (skin color, eye shape, physiognomy), and ethnicity is used to refer to distinctions based on national origin, language, religion, food, and other ethnic markers. Race has a quasi-biological status and among psychologists, the use of wash drawing terminology is hotly debated In the United States, race is also a socially defined, politically oppressive categorization scheme that individuals must negotiate spell creating their identities. (Frable , 1997, 139)Before the mordant Power Phase of the Black mixer Movement, raws displayed a decidedly dualistic worldview. former(a)r on 1968, a trend toward a dim perspective, which is almost as significant as the dualistic frame, becomes apparent. A reactionary, extreme pro white position is seldom advocated The dualistic, integrationist ethic was perhaps stronger in the past than it is today, although it is plausibly still the dominant ideolo gy among raws. Finally, over the past 25+ years, a nationalistic vague point ideology has become increasingly important in discussions of glowering affairs.The racial and ethnic personal identity cost are often used inappropriately in psychology. While black immigrants to the United States may pass a racial identity as black, their ethnic identity reflects their country of origin racial identity is much to a greater extent likely to be problematic in the United States than ethnic identity. Whether a tec assesses racial identity, ethnic identity, or some combination may only be clear after(prenominal) reading the Methods section of their report. EVIDENCE OF IDENTITY CHANGE 1968-PRESENTThe Black Social Movement had two phases (1) the civilised Rights Phase, which lasted from 1954-1967 and (2) the Black Power Phase, which began to take hold from 1965-1967. (See Exhibit 1) 118 or 73% were conducted during the achievement 1968-1977. Of these, 22 (19%) were Black chemical meet ing oriented, 84 (71%) were personal self-worth related and 12 (10%) applied personal self-worth and Black root oriented measures on the same sample. A significant number of two Black group and personal self-worth studies from this period show blacks with an increased in-group orientation and adequate to above average levels of self-esteem.(Allen et al, pg. 161)The Black Movement has increased the luck that more blacks will superimpose a black orientation upon a greater variety of situations. As a perspective, the extent to which the world view of the mainstream group (the Statesnism) has been internalized by a Black person is non one of self-rejection as it was in the past. As a result, some 20 years later and as a side product of the mind set change, Hip-hop (music) was created in the mid-seventies as black social movements began to take less noticeable role in the African-American communities and mainstream media, and replaced by electoral politics.It has recondite sixties cu ltural and political roots Gil Scott-Heron and The Last Poets are considered the forebears of rap. But once the institutions that supported ingrained movements collapsed or turned their attention elsewhere, the seeds of hip- hop were left to germinate in American society at large-fed by its materialism, misogyny and a new, more insidious kind of state violence. (Ards, 1999, p. 11) This suggests racial motivation pulsing more of a political-cultural propensity rather than a psychological trait.All along, even during the racial segregation and Jim Crow, Blacks have consistently had a high sense of personal worth. The Black Movement probably had a less dramatic effect on the personal identity as opposed to the reference group orientation of black people as whole. Blacks have had, and continue to have, a multifaceted reference group orientation that determine behavior depending upon the situation being confronted. BLACK ELITE LIBERAL CONCEPT Is this America? Land of the Free and Hom e of the Brave? Fannie Lou Hamers question still rivets attention, for it is at once origin and conservative, communitarian and individualistic, a plaintive cry and a hardened protest, fiercely American and defiant of America. (Robinson, 1997, p. 179) While not a new paradigm in and of itself (and while certainly reductionist), Cedric J. Robinson, in Black Movement in America, calls for framework forces one to consider social movements. He points out that the very success of black activism during the courtly War would point the way toward future divisions within black political culture.Both free black leaders and the great deal of Southern slaves who rebelled against their masters turned a white war into a troth over slavery and racial injustice. (Newman, 1999, 683) Slaverys destruction, ironically, removed a common focus of protest, and more importantly, enticed certain black elites to accept the liberal concept of changing American political culture by trying to join it and re form it from within. These elite representatives were largely irrelevant in Robinsons eyes, for the black masses focused on community-building and autonomy (Robinson, 1997, p. 92).The black social movements of the 60s and 70s star indicator of common social beliefs may simply be related with other dimensions and intangibles yet to be discovered or even recognized. In brief, due to the impact of during the ten to fifteen year span, black consciousness and awareness had become so pervasive throughout the black population that by the late seventies a single item tapping common-fate solidarity was adequate to capture a fully politicized sense of group consciousness. Of course, other changes in the political landscape may also contribute to such a shift.For instance, corporate political efficacy among black Americans may have been enhanced by the growing number of black elected officials. (Bobo & Gilliam 1990) A generation has almost passed since the social activisms of the late 50s a nd upheaval dissipated 60s and birth of modern day public black social movement. There are now thousands of black elected and appointed officials throughout the United States. Southern presidents have been elected to the White House since 1976, both of whom received the overwhelming support of the African American electorate.A great deal of literature has been given over to the position that Black working people and the poor challenged the system by establishing, ad hoc or organized significant black social movements that were rooted simultaneously in a political and social tempest. However, and then knowing that a person has a strong black identity will not assure the listener about the nature of his/her personal identity however, it gives considerable insight into the persons order system, political posture, and cultural stance. REFERENCE(S) Deborrah E.S. Frable , 1997, Article denomination Gender, Racial Ethnic, Sexual andClass Identities. Journal Title Annual critique of Psychology. Volume 48. Page Number 139+. Angela Ards, 1999, Organizing the Hip-Hop Generation. Magazine Title The Nation. Volume 269. Issue 4. Publication go out July 26,1999 Page Number 11. Cedric J. Robinson, 1997, Black Movements in America. (New York Routledge,. p. 179, 92 ) Rich Newman, 1999, Black Movements in America. Journal Title The Historian. Volume 61. Issue 3. Publication Page Number 683.Walter Recharde Allen, Geraldine Kearse Brookins, Margaret Beale Spencer,1985, Beginnings The Social and Affective Development of Black Children. publishing company Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Place of Publication Hillsdale, NJ. Bobo, Lawrence. 1988 Attitudes Toward The Black Political Movement Trends, Meaning, and Effects on Racial Policy Preferences. Social Psychology Quarterly 51287-302. Gilliam, Franklin D. , and Kenny J. Whitby. 1989 . 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